The map was immediately panned as racist and illegal by Democrats, who have been raising the alarm about the prospect of voters of color being diluted. The proposed map splits voters of color in Tarrant County among multiple neighboring Republican districts and changes the shape of the 35th District in Central Texas, which was originally created as a result of a court order to protect the voting rights of people of color.

Rep. Greg Casar, who represents the 35th District that runs from his hometown of Austin to San Antonio, slammed the map as an insult to Texas voters.

“If Trump is allowed to rip the Voting Rights Act to shreds here in Central Texas, his ploy will spread like wildfire across the country,” Casar said in a statement. “Everyone who cares about our democracy must mobilize against this illegal map.”

The changes would create two more districts in which white residents make up a majority of eligible voters, or citizens who are old enough to vote, hiking the number of such districts from 22 under the current map to 24. It would also add one additional district where Hispanic residents, the state’s largest demographic group, form the majority, bringing the total to eight under the new plan. And it would create two majority Black districts, where previously there were none.

The traditional racial politics of redistricting have been scrambled somewhat by Republicans’ increasing reliance on Hispanic voters, among whom they made historic gains in 2024. Four of the five districts that Republicans have drawn with the intention of flipping would be majority Hispanic — though the Hispanic populations in the new seats in Houston and Central Texas are almost exactly 50%.

The districts represented by Cuellar and Gonzalez — both of which are overwhelmingly Hispanic and anchored in South Texas — would become slightly more favorable to Republicans. Trump received 53% and 52% in those districts, respectively, in 2024; under the new proposed lines, he would have gotten almost 55% in both districts.

Also targeted are Democratic U.S. Reps. Julie Johnson of Farmers Branch — whose Dallas-anchored district would be reshaped to favor Republicans — and Marc Veasey of Fort Worth, whose nearby district would remain solidly blue but drop all of Fort Worth — Veasey’s hometown and political base. That seat — now solely in Dallas County — contains parts of Johnson’s, Veasey’s and Rep. Jasmine Crockett’s current district, raising the prospect of a primary between Veasey and Johnson.

The map’s newly proposed GOP seat in Central Texas also triggers the prospect of Austin Democratic Reps. Casar and Lloyd Doggett facing each other in a primary for the area’s lone remaining blue district. To avoid that scenario, one of the two would have to step aside or run an uphill race for a new Central Texas district, based in San Antonio, that Trump would have won by 10 points.

In a statement, Doggett, 78, sidestepped the question of what this means for his political future, saying “the only ‘What if’ that matters is ‘What if this crooked scheme is approved to give Trump a rubber stamp to do whatever he pleases.’”

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In the Houston area, the proposed map would remake four Democratic districts. The biggest upheaval would be in the 9th Congressional District, a seat represented by Rep. Al Green that currently covers the southern part of Harris County and its direct southern neighbors. It would shift to the eastern parts of Houston, where no current member of Congress lives. Instead of being a seat that former Vice President Kamala Harris won by 44% under the current boundary, Trump would have won it by 15%.

Texas’ Republican-dominated Legislature last drew these maps in 2021, with an eye toward protecting incumbents by making their seats as safe as possible. Trump won every Republican-held Texas district in 2024 by double-digit margins, as did every GOP incumbent who received a Democratic opponent. Edinburg Rep. Monica De La Cruz’s 14-point victory was the closest of any winning Republican.

To pick up new seats, Republicans have proposed to pack more Democratic voters into districts in the state’s blue urban centers, giving Democrats even bigger margins in districts they already control, such as those represented by Crockett, Rep. Joaquin Castro in San Antonio and Rep. Sylvia Garcia in Houston. And they’re looking to disperse Republican voters from safely red districts into several districts currently represented by Democrats, such as the ones held by Johnson and Casar.

No Republican incumbents’ districts were made significantly more competitive.

The map-drawers managed to move more Republican voters into Democratic districts around Dallas and Houston without imperiling the nearby seats of GOP Reps. Beth Van Duyne, R-Irving and Troy Nehls, R-Fort Bend. Both faced competitive races in 2020 before their districts were redrawn in 2021 to become solidly Republican, and neither was made to sacrifice those gains in the state House’s initial map.

Among the new majority-Black districts is the 18th Congressional District, centered in Houston, which has been represented by a decades-long run of renowned Black Democratic members, including Barbara Jordan, Mickey Leland, Sheila Jackson Lee and, most recently, Sylvester Turner, whose death in March left the seat vacant. The map proposes to pack even more Democratic voters into the solidly blue seat: Harris won the district with 69% in 2024 and would have carried it with 76% under the new boundaries.

Crockett’s Dallas seat would also become majority Black.

The 18th District was among Texas’ four majority-minority congressional seats flagged by the U.S. Department of Justice as unconstitutional racial gerrymanders, a charge Texas Republicans have interchangeably denied in court and cited as the basis for pursuing mid-decade redistricting.

Any new map will inevitably be challenged in court. Courts have found that at least one of Texas’ maps violated the Voting Rights Act every decade since it went into effect in the mid-60s. The current map is still being challenged in federal court in El Paso, with no verdict yet reached.

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